"A paper exploring the relationship between religion and legislation in post-conflict Syria, proposing a democratic framework".
One of our fundamental principles is the belief that the Abrahamic religions should be considered a primary and legitimate source of legislation for all citizens.
We further affirm that Islamic legislation takes precedence due to the overwhelming majority of the population.
We view religious legislation as a deeply rooted historical phase within the structure and identity of the Syrian state.
It must therefore be taken into consideration and revisited in our time, whenever circumstances call for it and similar contexts arise.
Thus, we consider religious legislation a legitimate legal source for the Syrian people and a fundamental right among their core entitlements.
We believe in religious pluralism—whether between different religions or between schools within the same faith.
Accordingly, no one religious interpretation should override another when disagreements arise within the same faith.
We see democratic practice as a middle path to resolve such tensions, aligning with the higher interests of the homeland and the citizen, wherever and however they may be found.
The democratic process does not aim to settle theological disputes, but rather to prevent them from escalating into violent conflict.
We believe that religiosity is a trait of individuals, not of institutions.
The same applies to all legal and administrative entities, including the collective framework of the state.
The state, as an umbrella, adopts the faith of all its citizens collectively, while taking their various religious perspectives into account and reconciling between them.
We affirm the right of believers to express their convictions and religious practices under the protection of the law and the constitution.
This expression must be peaceful and nonviolent.
We consider Islam, along with the four Sunni schools of jurisprudence and the Ash‘ari theological tradition, as the dominant identity of the Syrian Muslim population.
Other Islamic sects still exist, but they remain minorities within the broader fabric of Syrian society.
These range from the Salafi to the Zahiri schools, and even to modernist interpretations.
Therefore, it is the right of the majority for their legislative framework to take priority, as one of the legitimate sources of national law.
We consider takfir (declaring others non-believers) to be an unhealthy phenomenon in society.
It remains under control as long as it is confined to the realm of thought, not belief.
It must never become a tool for violence or domination, as this transforms it into a ticking time bomb threatening both nation and citizen alike.
We consider sects that use violence to reject civil law and aggressively deny the legitimacy of other religions or sects as sources of legislation to be a threat.
Such threats must be addressed through legal channels and state institutions.
We believe it is necessary to preserve the freedom to oppose both religious and non-religious legislation adopted by the legislative authority.
This space must remain open for debate and contestation through the people's representatives in the Parliament, which must be wide enough to accommodate all views.
We consider civil law, derived from the people themselves, to be a civilizational solution.
Through it, we can resolve conflicts arising from religious and sectarian diversity.
At the same time, it allows for the peaceful application of religious legislation.
We affirm the right of all religions and sects to preach, express their views and convictions, and work toward implementing their legislative principles through peaceful, nonviolent means.
We believe that religion is a cultural, civilizational, and societal force that must not be fought.
Instead, it should serve as a pillar for building the nation and the state, and as a healthy element encouraging constructive competition in the interest of all Syrians.
The Syrian Future Movement affirms that it is the right of the legislative authority to adopt laws that serve what it deems to be the public interest through democratic practice.
National interest can be a legitimate reason for changing existing legislation.
We believe that national interest does not contradict religious objectives.
If a contradiction seems to appear, it is most likely illusory.
Such a conflict usually results from failure to identify the true national interest or the adoption of an incorrect religious ruling.
We support any civilized dialogue between religious and political leaders that seeks to foster mutual enrichment in the pursuit of national interest.
This helps to strengthen the social contract among Syrians themselves, including both religious and political figures.
Dialogue must be the supreme method for exchanging perspectives and proposing solutions, ultimately leading to the protection of society through a coherent legislative framework.
We believe that disentangling conflicts in the legislative domain is both urgent and necessary.
It helps undermine the narrative of violent groups and strengthens the nation's resilience now and in the future.