On Tuesday, November 5, 2024, the eyes of the world will turn toward the United States of America. 

By January 20, 2025, the entire globe—not just the U.S.—will be awaiting a new president and a new phase in international relations, amid a climate filled with wars and conflicts from Taiwan to Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, and, of course, Syria.

Many observers expect Donald Trump to win, despite the legal challenges he faces—ranging from dozens of criminal charges and the classified documents case to alleged electoral interference in the state of Georgia, among others.

This naturally raises a pressing question: what lies ahead for the Syrian file, one of many files that could land on his desk if these predictions prove accurate?

During Trump’s previous presidency, the United States launched two military strikes against the Assad regime in Syria:

* The first strike took place in April 2017:

 when the U.S. fired 59 Tomahawk missiles at the Shayrat airbase.

* The second strike, in April 2018:

was a joint operation led by the U.S. alongside the UK and France, targeting chemical weapons facilities in Syria with missiles launched from ships and aircraft.

Additionally, Trump’s administration maintained a firm stance against the normalization of diplomatic relations with the Assad government, citing its use of chemical weapons against civilians and its grave human rights violations during the war. 
The Trump administration supported efforts to politically isolate the Assad regime and imposed sanctions to pressure it into serious negotiations for a political resolution.

This record makes it plausible that Trump, if elected, might sign the "No to Normalization with Assad" Act—legislation the Biden administration has shelved at the request of the UAE and Oman.

What Matters to Us:

As Syrians, our core concern is the security, stability, and prosperity of our homeland. 

We care little for whether the Republicans or Democrats are in power, except to the extent that either can help advance our cause and expedite Syria’s safe transition to peace. 

However, based on our experience and observation, Republicans have shown greater clarity, effectiveness, and commitment on the Syrian file than Democrats.

Trump, who has repeatedly claimed he could end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours, is likely capable of introducing a strategic shift in Syria—if the Syrian opposition can swiftly organize itself, define clear priorities, and propose a practical and convincing roadmap for political transition. 
In fact, a comprehensive dossier has already been submitted to President Trump’s office, with the hope that it will be reviewed and some of its recommendations considered or discussed further.

Six Strategic Axes Related to the Syrian File Under a Potential Trump Presidency:

1. The Autonomous Administration:

  Expected to enter a new phase where its threat to Turkish national security is reduced, and ties with the Syrian opposition are explored. 
Notably, its stance toward the “Three-Zone Document” was reportedly supported directly by Trump’s team, a foundation that should be built upon.

2. The Syrian Regime:

  Likely to face renewed U.S. escalation and reinforcement of anti-normalization laws. 
This could undermine or stall Arab League efforts at reintegration.

The upcoming Manama Summit may well be the regime’s final chance before a Trump return.

3. Idlib and Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS):

  Trump’s administration has historically taken a negative stance toward HTS. 

If unchanged, this could mean a major shakeup in Idlib—potentially targeting major leadership figures—unless HTS responds proactively to the emerging political signals.

4. The Official Syrian Opposition:

  Backed by Turkey, one of Trump's closest allies in the region. 

If Trump wins, the opposition may see a strengthening of its position—both within the negotiation platforms and in terms of broader political organization.

5. Maximum Pressure on Iran:

  Continuation of Trump’s hardline approach toward Iran, Assad’s strategic ally. 

This could involve intensified sanctions, further diplomatic isolation, and a reassessment of Iran’s regional role, particularly after the Gaza war. 

The goal would be to trim Iran’s influence in Syria and Lebanon through a united regional front.

6. U.S.–Russia Relations:

  While tensions will likely persist due to global geopolitical rivalries, Trump is expected to take a more flexible stance. 

This could open space for limited understandings, including those that affect the Syrian file.

Final Reflections:

If Trump returns to the White House, Syria’s future will be shaped—like many other issues—by shifting regional and international dynamics.

The real question for Syrians is: Can we break the political deadlock and build upon the gains earned over a decade of struggle to achieve a comprehensive and lasting political solution?

Can we leverage complex international developments to push for the implementation of UN Resolution 2254?

Can the current Syrian opposition establish communication with Trump’s team and present a feasible roadmap that could influence his public positions during the campaign?

Can Syrian Americans quickly form a coalition to offer electoral incentives to Trump in exchange for adopting a more committed and transparent Syria policy—especially in light of frustrations with the Biden administration’s contradictory stances, which criminalize Assad on paper while quietly tolerating his reintegration?

For now, Syrians seem stuck in a state of anticipation—waiting for the “global kitchen” to finish cooking solutions, so they might taste a share of the final dish. 

This state of pessimistic hope may present a fleeting chance to encourage the next U.S. administration to resolve the Syrian crisis as part of its own strategic interests—an outcome that would align with the deep suffering of the Syrian people.

Despite all obstacles, we remain convinced that there is no alternative to working for the good of our country and people. 

The path forward requires unity, cooperation, and prioritizing the public interest over private gain. Inside Syria, people are crushed by political, economic, and social hardships.

 In the diaspora, refugees face growing pressure, discrimination, and expulsion.

We do not have the luxury of waiting or gambling. 
We must seize this shift in the world's most influential power and turn it—even if partials —into an opportunity that helps us emerge from the dark tunnel and begin building a new, more stable phase for our homeland and people.